During the 1960s, the U.S. experienced a tumultuous period marked by social discontent, political unrest, and heightened public protests and riots. This era was characterized by pervasive fears of crime, a prevailing culture of popular punitivism, and a spotlight on racial injustice that dominated political debates. Adding to the complexity, the nation grappled with a struggling economy, facing the challenges of “stagflation”—a unique blend of slow economic growth and rapidly rising inflationary prices, which imposed a financial squeeze on households nationwide (Ha et al., 2022; Nielsen, 2023).

Federal Uniform Crime Reporting data from this period revealed a concerning trend: reported crimes across nearly all categories had doubled from 1960 to 1970, while violent crime rates increased even further during this tumultuous decade (Uchida, 2005). Law enforcement agencies found themselves on the front lines of a mounting crime wave, a phenomenon defying a simple, singular explanation. As a result, the 1960s and 1970s witnessed the implementation of various policy changes in response to these multifaceted challenges, signifying the conclusion of the reform era and the initiation of a transition towards the community policing era during the 1970s.

Transitional Years (1960s-1970s)

During the transformative period of the 1960s and 1970s, law enforcement underwent a deliberate evolution, prompted by the recognition of the limitations inherent in existing policing methods. This shift was not only a reaction to immediate challenges but also a proactive effort to address the intricate social and economic factors contributing to the rising crime rates of the time (Uchida, 2005). The result was the advent of the community policing era, which marked a departure from general and reactive policing models toward more decentralized, proactive, and community-oriented approaches.

Central to the ethos of the community policing era was a dual focus: not only on crime control but also on the cultivation of positive relationships between law enforcement agencies and the local communities they served. This marked a departure from traditional practices, emphasizing collaboration and engagement over a strictly punitive approach.

Technological advancements in the 1960s and 1970s, such as computers and the establishment of the 9-1-1 emergency response number, introduced efficiencies to law enforcement. However, these innovations paradoxically contributed to a growing divide between law enforcement and the community. Despite the improvements in police efficiency, the advent of these technologies raised concerns about the potential detachment between officers and the populations they served (Spelman & Brown, 1981). Nevertheless, the use of computers facilitated a more nuanced evaluation of policing strategies.

Amid these technological changes, the doj played a pivotal role by collaborating with police departments across the country, offering support, and disseminating research and technical assistance. Simultaneously, federal and state governments invested significant resources, allocating millions of dollars to the creation and support of criminal justice education programs.

Research and investigations conducted during this era exposed the ineffectiveness of several common policing practices, which had a detrimental impact on the relationship between law enforcement and local communities. Studies revealed that the mere act of patrolling in cars did not necessarily deter crime (Kelling et al., 1974), that evidence collection at crime scenes lacked efficacy without assistance from witnesses (Chaiken et al., 1977), and even with the implementation of 9-1-1, rapid response to a crime scene did not always translate to swift arrests (Spelman & Brown, 1981).

Federal Influence and Impact

Significant federal changes unfolded during this transformative period, reshaping the legal landscape and influencing law enforcement practices. The interventions at the federal level during this era were multifaceted, involving several crucial legal rulings, legislative acts, and the establishment of commissions. These initiatives collectively aimed to fortify constitutional protections, promote equality, and address systemic issues within the criminal justice system. The heightened scrutiny over law enforcement practices contributed to establishing the groundwork for a more accountable and just legal framework, fostering a path towards a fairer and more inclusive society.

The 1960s was a pivotal era characterized by influential U.S. Supreme Court rulings that bolstered citizens’ protections and curtailed police discretion. Notable among these rulings are miranda v. arizona (1966) and mapp v. ohio (1961), which are central to the safeguarding of individual rights. While exceptions were established through rulings like terry v. ohio (1968), these cases collectively ushered in a new era of legal scrutiny over police conduct.

Furthermore, the enactment of the civil rights act of 1964, pictured in Figure 6.19 below, and the equal employment opportunity act of 1972 marks significant milestones in the pursuit of equality and inclusion. These legislative measures, beyond addressing workplace discrimination, were crucial factors for the broadening of employment opportunities among women and minority groups, thus, contributing substantially to the advancement of a more diverse and inclusive American workforce.

In the years that followed, the American federal government continued to reinforce its commitment to fostering an equitable society through the introduction of pivotal disabilities acts. Among these acts were the rehabilitation act of 1973 and the individuals with disabilities education act (idea) of 1975, originally called the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (1975). These legislative measures constitute significant milestones in the recognition and protection of rights for individuals with disabilities. They established a crucial foundation for subsequent legislation and initiatives dedicated to promoting equal opportunities, ensuring access to education, and safeguarding against discrimination for people with disabilities in the U.S.

The intensifying conflicts and escalating tensions between the police and communities in the 1960s necessitated comprehensive investigations into police corruption and strained relations between law enforcement and minorities. In response, the federal government took decisive action, establishing several commissions during the 1960s and 1970s with the goal of improving understanding and implementing changes in approach to enhance the struggling American criminal justice system. Among the more noteworthy commissions were the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, the Knapp Commission, and the Office of law enforcement assistance administration (LEAA).

President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice

In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson responded to mounting concerns about crime and the urgent need for comprehensive criminal justice reform by establishing The President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Entrusted with the task of scrutinizing challenges within the American criminal justice system and proposing reforms, the commission conducted a thorough two-year investigation, culminating in the release of its seminal report, Challenge of Crime in a Free Society (1967). This landmark document comprised over 200 recommendations aimed at enhancing the criminal justice system. Noteworthy contributions from the report include the initiation of the community policing approach, the establishment of a national 9-1-1 emergency response hotline, advancements in police training and professionalism, inspiration for the national crime victimization survey, and the creation of the leaa. The commission’s profound impact resonated across subsequent criminal justice policies, significantly influencing the trajectory toward the community policing era (Diegelman, 1982).

National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Commission)

Established in 1967 by President Lyndon B. Johnson, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, commonly known as the Kerner Commission, undertook an investigation into the causes of racial unrest and urban riots that marked the earlier part of the decade. Chaired by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner, the commission released its seminal findings later that year, encapsulated in the Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (1968), also known as the Kerner Report. The report unequivocally identified systemic racism and socioeconomic inequality as predominant factors fueling social unrest, famously declaring in its introduction: “Our Nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal” (p. 1). Instrumental in fostering an understanding of structural racism as the primary factor propelling social inequality, the report shifted the narrative, redirecting blame for social unrest away from urban Black communities. Moreover, the Kerner Report underscored the far-reaching negative impacts of racial segregation on various socioeconomic aspects, including employment, education, and housing, leading to a troubling cycle of poverty and crime in Black neighborhoods nationwide. The report also critically portrayed police not just as government actors of authority, but as symbols of repression, racism, and brutality. Urging the nation to address these root causes, the Kerner Commission proposed comprehensive social and economic reforms to prevent future civil disorders. Its findings highlighted the urgent need to confront racial injustice and set the foundation for subsequent discussions on racial and economic disparities in the United States.

Commission to Investigate Alleged Police Corruption (Knapp Commission)

The Knapp Commission, officially the Commission to Investigate Alleged Police Corruption, was established in 1970 in response to widespread allegations of corruption within the New York City Police Department (NYPD). Led by its chairman, federal judge Whitman Knapp, the commission set out to investigate and uncover corrupt practices among police officers. The commission’s collaborative efforts exposed systemic corruption, ranging from bribery and extortion to narcotics-related misconduct within the police force. The Knapp Commission’s findings were published in the landmark The Knapp Commission Report on Police Corruption (1973), commonly known as the Knapp Report, which unveiled extensive corruption throughout the entire NYPD and proposed essential reforms to tackle this pervasive issue. Notably, the report coined the terms “grass eaters” to reference officers accepting gratuities and small bribes such as from tow-truck drivers, gamblers, or construction workers, and “meat eaters” for those seeking opportunities to exploit criminals or criminal organizations for substantial sums (Armstrong, 1995). This report had a lasting impact on police practices, leading to increased scrutiny, internal reforms, and changes in the oversight of law enforcement agencies.

Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA)

In response to the escalating crime rates and public unrest in the 1960s, there was a recognized need to bolster crime control efforts. The law enforcement assistance administration (LEAA), established in 1968 under the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act during the Johnson administration, emerged as a pioneering federal agency. Directed by J. Edgar Hoover, it became the first major program channeling federal aid—totaling approximately $7.5 billion between 1969 and 1980—to local and state law enforcement agencies (Diegelman, 1982). The leaa aimed to modernize and professionalize policing by offering financial and technical support for training, equipment, and criminal justice programs. The agency sought to enhance state-level law enforcement practices, address rising crime, conduct research, and promote collaborative efforts between federal, state, and local authorities. However, the LEAA faced criticism for unrealistic expectations, poor fiscal management, and bureaucratic inefficiencies, coupled with an inability to demonstrate a tangible reduction in crime. Public concerns about the militarization of police forces further contributed to its dissolution in 1982 as part of broader government reorganization efforts, marking the conclusion of a pivotal era in federal support for law enforcement initiatives.

Pinnacle of the Community Era (1980s-1990s)

During the late 1970s, a shift in policing emerged, marked by an emphasis on community-oriented law enforcement and more inclusive hiring practices, indicating the onset of the community policing era (Kelling & Moore, 1988). This era, akin to the changes in the preceding police reform era, prioritized enhanced training and professionalization of law enforcement with the overarching goal of revitalizing police relations with citizens through increased police presence in local communities. An additional positive outcome of the community policing era was the transformation in minority and women recruitment practices. For example, in 1973, Black officers constituted about 6% of sworn officers (Walker & Katz, 2001), a figure that grew to around 9.3% by 1987 and further increased to 11.7% by 1997 (Reaves & Goldberg, 2000). The recruitment of female sworn officers also experienced a noticeable uptick, with women comprising approximately 7% of sworn officers in the 1970s (Sims et al., 2003), escalating to 9% in 1990, and reaching an estimated 13% in 2000 (Garcia, 2003).

During the community policing era, a fundamental shift occurred with a strong emphasis on engaging the community in collaborative efforts to identify and address local concerns. This involved a partnership between police officers and community members to foster open communication and cooperation. Policing strategies during this period placed a heightened focus on preventing crime through educational initiatives, outreach programs, and community-based solutions. Notably, problem-solving took center stage, aiming to delve into the root causes of crime and disorder rather than just reacting to incidents. Crucially, collaboration became a cornerstone, involving a cooperative effort with various community stakeholders such as local government, social services, schools, businesses, and non-profit organizations. This collective approach aimed at tackling the intricate social issues contributing to crime and disorder.

The era also witnessed a shift towards structural decentralization, empowering law enforcement at the local level. Police departments were granted greater authority to customize their strategies, ensuring they best met the unique needs of the communities they served.

Additionally, the definition of law enforcement success underwent a transformation. This entailed moving beyond a sole reliance on quantitative crime statistics as measures of success. Instead, success now encompassed factors like community satisfaction and overall well-being, reflecting a more comprehensive and community-centric approach to evaluating law enforcement effectiveness (Braga, 2008).

Broken Window Theory and Zero-Tolerance Policing

By the late 1970s, research, including studies like the one funded by the Department of Justice and conducted by the San Diego Police Department (Boydstun & Sherry, 1975), suggested that community policing held the potential to effectively foster community trust with law enforcement. Concurrently, influential scholar Herman Goldstein (1977) introduced problem-oriented policing, proposing that police agencies could enhance their efficiency and effectiveness by focusing on research to pinpoint hot spots of crime and strategically allocating resources to prioritize those areas. At the core of the problem-oriented policing philosophy was the crucial involvement of the community to understand where and how crime was occuring (Goldstein, 1977).

In 1982, James Q. Wilson and George Kelling published a pivotal paper, “Broken Windows,” endorsing problem-oriented policing and advocating for its widespread adoption by law enforcement agencies. This landmark paper introduced the broken window theory, suggesting that physical indicators of neighborhood disorder, neglect, and decay, such as broken windows or graffiti, when left unaddressed, could act as visible signs of eroding informal control. This signals to potential offenders that the area is not being actively monitored or maintained, thereby creating an environment more inviting to criminal behavior and leading to elevated crime rates. Wilson and Kelling argued for a zero-tolerance policing approach, proposing the arrest of individuals for minor infractions as means to prevent neighborhoods from succumbing to disorder and escalating crime. This approach rapidly gained widespread acceptance and was implemented by numerous policing departments.

As the 1980s unfolded, community policing gained rapid acceptance among scholars, practitioners, and politicians. However, this widespread support was marred by the ambiguous definition of community policing. Eck and Rosenbaum (1994) stated:

One reason for its popularity is that community policing is a plastic concept, meaning different things to different people. There are many perspectives on community policing, and each of them is built on assumptions that are only partially supported by empirical evidence. (p. 3)

Problematically, this ambiguity led to varying interpretations of community policing. For some, it simply meant implementing more law enforcement foot patrol and facilitating community events. Other law enforcement agencies, however, viewed community policing as a form of order maintenance, deploying officers with a zero-tolerance policing approach to clean the streets, while another perspective perceived successful community policing as the development of neighborhood watch programs (Uchida, 2005).

Zero-tolerance policing neatly aligned with the vague contours of community policing. However, instead of utilizing the community policing approach to reintegrated law enforcement officers into communities for collaborative efforts aimed at neighborhood improvement, zero-tolerance policing strategies placed law enforcement officers in communities with a focus on arresting individuals for even the most minor offenses. Departments adopting zero-tolerance policing measures encouraged officers to proactively stop and question anyone deemed “suspicious,” leading to a significant increase of these occurrences among minority individuals (McArdle & Erzen, 2001). Notably, in 1999, 50% of all persons stopped in New York City were Black, a disproportionately high figure compared to the city’s black population, which constituted only 25.6% of the total population at the time (Bass, 2001). Furthermore, the percentage White suspects who were stopped and frisked in New York City were much more likely to have contraband than Black and Hispanic suspects who were stopped and frisked (MacDonald & Barga, 2019). Instead of fostering a stronger bond between community members and the police, zero-tolerance policing exacerbated divisions in many communities.

Ethical Dilemmas in Criminal Justice: Troubling Race Relations in the 1990s

In the 1990s, a series of high-profile cases thrust issues of police brutality and misconduct into the public spotlight, triggering concerns about racial injustice. One such incident occurred on March 3, 1991, when Rodney King, an African American motorist, fell victim to a brutal beating by four officers from the Los Angeles Police Department during a routine traffic stop. Shockingly, the entire event was captured on a bystander’s video camera, laying bare a disturbing exhibition of excessive force and police brutality. Despite irrefutable video evidence, all involved officers were acquitted in an April 1992 trial, inciting outrage and exacerbating racial tensions in Los Angeles (Cannon, 1999). The acquittal culminated in widespread riots on April 29, 1992, characterized by looting, arson, and violence, lasting six days and resulting in 63 deaths, thousands of injuries, and extensive property damage. The Rodney King case and the subsequent riots brought systemic issues of racial injustice and police misconduct to the forefront, sparking a national conversation about the imperative for reform within law enforcement and the broader criminal justice system.

On August 9, 1997, another disturbing incident unfolded, involving Abner Louima, a Haitian immigrant, who was arrested following a nightclub altercation in New York City. At the police station, Officer Justin Volpe subjected Louima to a violent attack in the bathroom, involving rape and the brutal use of a broken broomstick that resulted in severe internal injuries. The Abner Louima case gained notoriety for its shocking brutality and racist undertones (McArdle & Erzen, 2001). Officer Volpe eventually pleaded guilty to multiple charges, including violating Louima’s civil rights, receiving a 30-year prison sentence. Other officers implicated in the subsequent cover-up were also convicted.

Both the Rodney King and Louima cases had a profound impact on public perception of police misconduct, fostering an ongoing dialogue about the necessity for accountability and reform within law enforcement. These incidents underscored the urgency of addressing systemic issues to prevent such instances of brutality and to ensure justice for the victims involved.

The War on Drugs

During a pivotal press conference on June 17, 1971, President Richard Nixon declared war on drug abuse, branding it as “public enemy number one” (as cited in Richard Nixon Foundation, 2016, para. 1). This symbolic proclamation marked the onset of an intense and wide-ranging political campaign against illegal drugs, famously known as the war on drugs (Hudson, 2011). Nixon’s declaration laid the groundwork for a series of policies and initiatives aimed at combating illicit drug abuse, the drug trade, and associated criminal activities. While Nixon is often credited with coining the term, the War on Drugs reflects a broader trend of addressing drug-related issues through law enforcement and political means that had been evolving for several decades prior (Kerrigan, 2017).

In the same year, Nixon proposed the establishment of the drug enforcement administration (DEA), a federal agency entrusted with coordinating and overseeing the legal enforcement of drug-related laws and regulations. The Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act, enacted by Congress in 1970, served as the legislative framework for Nixon’s anti-drug initiatives.

The early years of the war on drugs were characterized by a strong emphasis on law enforcement and punitive measures. Nixon’s administration supported policies such as no-knock warrants, mandatory minimum sentences, and increased funding for drug law enforcement, aiming to combat drug abuse and trafficking through aggressive policing and stricter legal consequences. However, this implementation of strict law enforcement measures, fueled by the War on Drugs, resulted in increased arrests, longer sentences for drug-related offenses, and the adoption of militant tactics by law enforcement (Hudson, 2011). Unfortunately, these measures disproportionately affected minority communities, leading to a notable surge in the incarceration rate, particularly among African American and Hispanic populations (Rosino & Hughey, 2018). Problematically, the extensive imprisonment of working-aged men in minority communities, stemming from policies implemented during the War on Drugs, including the enforcement of zero-tolerance policing, markedly restricted opportunities for family income acquisition and depleted crucial neighborhood resources. Beyond intensifying the prevailing social and financial challenges encountered by these communities, these policies perpetuated an ongoing downward spiral into a cycle of poverty.

The 1980s witnessed the escalation of the War on Drugs under President Ronald Reagan, who championed the “Just Say No” anti-drug campaign (Kerrigan, 2017). During this period, there was a substantial increase in funding for drug enforcement agencies, accompanied by legislation like the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, which imposed harsh mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenses, including a 100-to-1 sentencing ratio for crack cocaine, compared to powder cocaine (Provine, 2007). These sentencing disparities between drugs prevalent in minority communities, such as crack cocaine, and those prevalent in white communities, like powder cocaine, underscore troublesome issues in the criminal justice system stemming from systemic racism (Provine, 2007; Rosino & Hughey, 2018).

Even with technological advancements in the 1980s and 1990s, such DNA analysis and the implementation of compstat, a system integral to problem-oriented policing, crime rates continued to rise. By the early 1990s, violent crime rates soared to unprecedented levels (Blumstein & Wallman, 2000). Amidst the full force of the war on drugs, relations between law enforcement and minority communities were struggling, a problem that worsened significantly following the Rodney King incident (Cannon, 1999).

As the political landscape around crime evolved, the imperative of being “tough on crime” became crucial for politicians seeking public support (Provine, 2007). In 1994, President Bill Clinton’s administration and Congress passed the Public Safety Partnership and Community Policing Act, part of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act (1994), authorizing $8.8 billion over a period of six years to fund local police departments adoption of community-oriented programs. By 2000, 90% of all local police officers in the U.S. worked for a department that had adopted some form of a community policing plan (Hickman & Reaves, 2003).

Despite substantial financial investments and extensive law enforcement efforts, the War on Drugs drew criticism for its limited success in mitigating the societal impact of drug abuse and effectively curbing illegal drug trafficking (Hudson, 2011). Many argue the War on Drugs was overly punitive and not only failed to address the root causes of drug addiction, but largely contributed to the growth of the prison-industrial complex and strained law enforcement relations with low-income and minority communities (Provine, 2007).

The War on Drugs has evolved over time, there are ongoing debates about its effectiveness and the need for reform. In recent years, there has been a growing support for reassessing drug policies utilizing a public health approach that emphasizes treatment and prevention over punitive measures (Kerrigan, 2017). Some countries and certain states in the U.S. have adopted a more comprehensive and public health-oriented approach for addressing drug-related issues, including drug decriminalization, legalization of certain drugs, increased availability of drug abuse treatment facilities, and harm reduction measures. Despite decades of policy implementation and law enforcement efforts, drug abuse and illicit trade persists as significant challenges in modern society (Hudson, 2011; Kerrigan, 2017).

Strengths and Shortcomings of Community Era Policing Strategy

The 1960s and 1970s witnessed a transformative shift in law enforcement, culminating in the emergence of the community policing era during the late 20th century. Driven by an acknowledgment of the limitations of traditional policing methods and a commitment to addressing complex social factors influencing crime, this era represented a transition from traditional, reactive policing to a proactive, community-centered approach (Kelling & Moore, 1988). This era is characterized by the introduction of new approaches, advocacy of ongoing research that sought to refine policing strategies, and incorporation of technological advancements like CompStat and DNA analysis to enhance police effectiveness and efficiency (Willis, 2014). As detailed in the list below, strategies implemented during this era emphasized collaboration, community engagement, and a holistic approach to public safety. Despite these improvements, success was constrained by the overshadowing complexities of multiple challenges.

Summary of Police Organizational Strategies During the Community Policing Era (as cited in Kelling & Moore, 1988):

• Authorization: Community support, law, professionalism.
• Function: Crime control, crime prevention, problem-solving.
• Organizational Design: Decentralized, task forces, matrices.
• Relationship to Environment: Consultative, police defend values of law and professionalism, listen to community concerns.
• Tactics & Technology: Foot patrol, problem-solving, etc.
• Outcomes: Quality of life and citizen satisfaction.

A significant advantage of this era was its focus on nurturing improved relations between law enforcement agencies and the communities they served. Prioritizing community engagement and collaborative problem-solving facilitated the building of trust, enhancing public safety. The proactive emphasis on collaborative problem-solving between police and community members to address underlying issues was instrumental for crime prevention. Furthermore, the inherent flexibility of community policing allowed for law enforcement to tailor strategies to meet the unique needs of each community, fostering a positive perception of officers as partners in public safety assurance (Willis, 2014). The era also aimed to enhance the training and professionalization of the police force, particularly beneficial for officers engaged in neighborhood patrols and collaborative community efforts.

A particularly favorable outcome of the community policing era was the increase in the recruitment and employment of women and minority individuals within law enforcement agencies. Although such employment initiatives had their roots in the preceding policing era, the community policing era marked a broader adoption of these policies, leading to considerably more diverse and inclusive police forces. Nevertheless, workplace discrimination persisted during this period, underscoring an ongoing issue in contemporary society.

An inclusive law enforcement agency brings forth numerous advantages. Providing women and minorities with more opportunities for roles of authority in society is crucial for bolstering social equality efforts and mitigating harmful biases and stereotypes. Beyond advancing social justice and equality, more inclusivity within police forces also enhances the overall effectiveness of law enforcement efforts through the promotion of building community trust, enhancement of cultural competences, fostering of positive relationships with the public, and improvement to law enforcement’s public image—especially beneficial in an era predominantly emphasizing community relations with law enforcement.

Despite the adaptive changes in law enforcement strategy during the community policing era, several challenges emerged that significantly hindered the success of law enforcement during this time. Resource allocation emerged as a crucial issue, resulting in insufficient funding for essential resources and training within certain police agencies, crucial for proper policy implementation. A host of critical issues arose from the ambiguous definition of community policing. The lack of a precise, concrete understanding of this concept allowed for diverse interpretations, leading to inconsistent implementation and varying degrees of policy effectiveness across jurisdictions. These challenges were further intensified by resistance to change within specific agencies that adhered to more traditional, authoritative policing ideologies.

Furthermore, the vague definition of community policing allowed for some interpretation to be in alignment with zero-tolerance policing, exacerbating tensions between law enforcement and residents of low-income communities and minority neighborhoods. Practices like racial profiling and higher arrest rates of minorities, escalated by policing methods such as stop and frisk, further strained relations between community and police (Willis, 2014). These issues, combined with a lack of sustained commitment from both law enforcement agencies and communities, posed significant challenges and greatly limited the success of this approach.

While community policing sought to address localized issues, it had minimal impact on macro structural factors underpinning crime, such as systemic poverty, inequality, and lack of access to resources. Although, several indirect effects from policies implemented during this era, like zero-tolerance policing and those enacted during the War on Drugs, serve to amplify the consequences of structural discrimination and systemic racism as evident by the range of negative secondary outcomes that disproportionately affected low-income communities and minority neighborhoods.

In summary, the community policing era observed substantial improvements, especially in acknowledging the importance of fostering a trusting and collaborative relationship with the communities they serve. The notable achievement of increased inclusion and diversity among law enforcement officers marked a crucial milestone during this era. However, the absence of a unified definition for community policing resulted in a myriad of policing approaches and inconsistent policy implementation, leading to varying levels of effectiveness. Ultimately, these challenges severely constrained success of the community policing approach during this era.

Attributions

1. Figure 6.18: Police Cadet working at computer by City of Boston Archives is released under CC BY 2.0
2. Figure 6.19: President Johnson Signing the 1964 Civil Rights Act by Johnson Presidential Library, National Archives in the Public Domain; This file is a work of an employee of the Executive Office of the President of the United States, taken or made as part of that person’s official duties. As a work of the U.S. federal government, it is in the public domain.
3. Figure 6.20: image released under the Pexels License
4. Figure 6.21: Rodney King FBI Tapes by University of California, Berkeley is released under CC BY-NC 4.0
5. Figure 6.22: Peace / G.G. Fish, Pinxt. Photo and pub. by J.P. Soule, Boston by John P. Soule (photographer), G. G. Fish (artist) in the Public Domain; Library of Congress states: “No known restrictions on publication.”