9.1 Introduction to Punishment

Wesley B. Maier, PhD and Kadence C. Maier

In the realm of criminal justice, punishment is the imposition of a penalty or consequence for an individual’s violation of established laws. Broadly defined, punishment denotes the application of consequences to individuals who have been found guilty of committing a crime in a legal framework, such as a court of law. This legal sanction, or penalty, is administered by an authorized governing body in response to actions that contravene established laws or societal norms. punishment serves multiple purposes, including as a means of retribution, deterrence, rehabilitation, or incapacitation, functioning as a mechanism for maintaining social order, adhering to societal standards, fostering justice, promoting accountability, and upholding the rule of law within society.

The forms of punishment are diverse and encompass measures such as incarceration, fines, probation, community service, restitution, and participation in rehabilitation programs. The severity and nature of the punishment determined during sentencing are contingent on several factors, including the type, nature, and severity of the offense, legal statutes, mitigating circumstances and aggravating circumstances, as well as relevant laws and guidelines within the specific jurisdiction.

In the context of criminal justice, the principles of punishment encompass deterrence, rehabilitation, retribution, incapacitation, and restoration. Deterrence seeks to dissuade individuals from engaging in criminal conduct by illustrating the repercussions of unlawful actions. Rehabilitation aims to reform offenders through education, therapy, and other interventions, with the intention of facilitating their successful reintegration into society. Retribution, often perceived as the moral rationale for punishment, centers on the concept of just deserts—the belief that offenders should face consequences commensurate with the harm they have inflicted. incapacitationfocuses primarily on preventing further criminal behavior and safeguarding society from harm with physical or legal restrictions on the offender, typically through incarceration or capital punishment. Restoration is also an integral component of punishment that addresses the offender’s transgressions, promotes accountability, and facilitates their reintegration into the community. Effective punishment within the framework of the criminal justice system strives to achieve a balance among these objectives while adhering to principles of fairness, proportionality, and reverence for human dignity.

A solid grasp of the principles underlying punishment is essential, especially given its profound implications for Constitutional rights. For instance, in Smith v. Doe (2003), the U.S. Supreme Court held that mandating sex offenders to register and disclose their residences publicly did not meet the criteria for punishment. Likewise, in Kansas v. Hendricks (1997), the Court ruled that civil commitment does not constitute punishment. Consequently, individuals can complete a prison sentence and then be civilly committed without contravening the double jeopardy clause or the Eighth Amendment (U.S. Const. amend. VIII).

Philosophical Perspectives

Philosophical perspectives on punishment are crucial for shaping the ethical and moral foundations of legal systems, as well as guiding societal perceptions of justice and rehabilitation. By examining the underlying principles and rationales of punishment, philosophical perspectives provide a framework for evaluating the fairness, efficacy, and legitimacy of punitive measures. Furthermore, these perspectives serve as a cornerstone for policy formulation, informing decisions concerning the structure of criminal justice systems, the determination of sentencing guidelines, and the allocation of resources towards rehabilitation initiatives.

Understanding the philosophical roots of punishment facilitates critical reflection on societal values, moral obligations, and the nature of wrongdoing. It prompts meaningful dialogues for obtaining an appropriate balance between accountability and compassion, deterrence and rehabilitation, as well as individual rights and social cohesion. Ultimately, philosophical perspectives on punishment foster deeper inquiries into the essence and purpose of justice, aiding in the development of a more enlightened and morally grounded approach to addressing crime and advancing the welfare of individuals and communities.

While various definitions of punishment abound across philosophical and scholarly works, this chapter primarily focuses on the legal interpretation. According to criminal law, in Black’s Law Dictionary (2nd ed.), punishment encompasses “any pain, penalty, suffering, or confinement inflicted upon a person by the authority of the law and the judgment and sentence of a court, for some crime or offense committed by him, or for his omission of a duty enjoined by law” (as cited in The Law Dictionary, para. 1).

Herbert Packer

Herbert Packer, a renowned legal scholar, offers a distinctive perspective on punishment, as outlined in his seminal 1968 work The Limits of the Criminal Sanction, he rejects the idea of rehabilitation, emphasizing instead the preventative and retributive aspects of criminal punishment. Packer’s philosophical framework delineates three fundamental elements of punishment delineated in the list below.

Herbert Packer’s Fundamental Elements of Punishment (1968, p. 33):

  1. The presence of an offense;
  2. The infliction of pain on account of the commission of the offense;
  3. A dominant purpose that is neither to compensate someone injured by the offense nor better the offender’s condition but to prevent further offenses or to inflict what is thought to be deserved pain on the offender.

In essence, the first component in Packer’s elements of punishment (1968) acknowledges the existence of the offense, while the second mandates that there must be the imposition of suffering to the wrongdoer as a consequence of committing the offense. Lastly, Packer asserts that the primary objective of punishment is neither to compensate the injured party nor improve the offender’s circumstances, but rather deter future offenses or administer what is deemed appropriate punishment to the offender. Ultimately, within Packer’s paradigm, the overarching purpose of punishment is to inflict appropriate suffering on the wrongdoer in a manner that serves to dissuade them from engaging in future acts of criminal conduct.

H. L. A. Hart

H. L. A. Hart, a distinguished legal philosopher, elucidated his perspective on punishment primarily in his seminal work Punishment and Responsibility: Essays in the Philosophy of Law (1968). Within his writings, Hart places the essence of punishment at the core of the legal system, underscoring its paramount role in maintaining social order and fostering stability. He argued that punishment serves as a mechanism for upholding societal norms and deterring individuals from actions that transgress these norms. While inclined towards a retributive stance, Hart emphasized the importance of ensuring that punishment aligns with the gravity of the offense, underscoring his dedication to fairness and justice within legal frameworks. Moreover, Hart recognized the intricate nature of punishment, asserting that it must be administered within the boundaries of the rule of law, employing fair and impartial legal procedures to guarantee equitable treatment for all individuals under the law.

H. L. A. Hart’s Five Elements of Punishment (1968, p. 5):

  1. It must involve pain or other consequences normally considered unpleasant;
  2. It must be for the offense against legal rules;
  3. It must be an actual or supposed offender for his offense;
  4. It must be intentionally administered by other human beings than the offender;
  5. It must be imposed and administered by an authority constituted by a legal system against which the offense is committed.

Hart’s principles of punishment, outlined in the list above, continue to exert a significant influence on discussions about criminal justice in the United States (1968). The first element necessitates that punishment has inclusion of discomfort or repercussions typically regarded as undesirable. The second component asserts that punishment must be in response to a violation of legal regulations or rules; without such transgression, the state’s actions cannot be deemed punishment. For example, mandatory quarantine due to having contracted a contagious disease would not meet this criterion and, therefore, would not be considered punishment. However, whereas formally sanctioned house arrest imposed as a consequence for the commission of a criminal offense fulfills the requirements to be considered punishment. The third component contends that punishment must be directed towards an individual who is either the actual perpetrator or perceived to be responsible for the offense committed. Recently, this matter has sparked debate, especially concerning cases involving juvenile offenders and the idea of holding a parent criminally accountable for their child’s actions (see news about People of Michigan v. Jennifer Lynn Crumbley). Lastly, the fourth and fifth components posit that punishment must be deliberately administered and executed by an authority established by a legal system against which the offense has been committed. Therefore, informal sanctions or other consequences such as job loss or physical injuries sustained during the commission of a crime, such as a broken leg resulting from evading police arrest, should not be considered by the judge when determining punishment sentencing.

Early Forms of Punishment

Illustration showing two revolutionary men with a tarred and feathered customs officer with a rope around his neck, forcing him to drink from a large teapot.
Figure 9.1. A New Method of Macarony Making as Practised at Boston / Photo Credit: David Claypoole Johnston, lithographer, PD

Early forms of punishment in the U.S. were characterized by harsh and often brutal methods intended to deter crime and maintain social order. In Colonial America, these punishments were deeply rooted in religious and moral ideologies that served to preserve societal norms and Christian values (Friedman, 1993). To achieve these objectives, punitive measures, such as stocks, tarring and feathering, pillories, whipping, and flogging, were typically conducted in public view. These public spectacles were intended not only to serve as punishment but also to publicly humiliate and denounce wrongdoers, as well as to prompt open confessions of guilt and expressions of remorse for wrongful actions.

Common punishments for minor criminal offenses included variations of additional work, fines, or whipping, whereas forms of punishment for vice crimes and sins generally consisted of an assortment of public shaming, stocks, pillories, and whipping (Friedman, 1993). More serious offenses, ranging from theft to blasphemy, were typically punished with mutilation and branding of the forehead and other body parts to indelibly mark these individuals as more serious sinners. In New Hampshire, women adulteresses were placed on the gallows, severely whipped, and compelled to wear a letter A on their clothing as labeled reminders and publicly shame their indiscretions. Additionally, Colonial punishments frequently incorporated banishment and exile as means of removing undesirable more serious criminal offenders as well as undesirable individuals from communities. Over time, these early forms of punishment evolved into more structured and institutionalized systems, laying the groundwork for modern approaches to criminal justice.

The use of execution was a prevalent form of punishment, particularly under English Common law where all felony offenses were punishable by death, encompassed crimes such as murder, arson, larceny, robbery, burglary, rape, treason, and petty treason. However, by 1822, England had expanded the list of felonies to a total of 263 offenses (Holdsworth, 1952). Although, in comparison to English execution standards at the time, Colonial America was relatively moderate and restrained in its approach to executions, largely adhering to the common law practice, designating only a small number of felonies (typically 10-13) as capital crimes.

Capital Punishment

Capital punishment, commonly referred to as the death penalty, involves the state-sanctioned execution of an individual as a formal penalty for a typically grave crime. It has been employed for a range of offenses considered the most severe by society, marking a practice entwined in intricate legal, moral, and societal discussions. Throughout the history of the U.S., capital punishment has served as a deterrent to crime, a pursuit of justice, and a means of upholding societal order. Methods of execution include more historical practices like hanging and firing squads to contemporary approaches such as electrocution and lethal injection, mirroring shifts in societal norms, cultural perspectives, and technological advancements.

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Figure 9.2. Front Page of the New York Daily News from the Day After Ruth Snyder’s Execution, 1928 / Photo Credit: Tom Howard (original photographer); D. D. Teoli Jr. Archive Collection, CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Although rooted in historical practices dating back to colonial times, the death penalty continued to be implemented in the U.S. through the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries until the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a nationwide moratorium on the death penalty in 1967. The moratorium became official in 1972 with the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Furman v. Georgia (1972). The 5-4 decision declared the current application of the death penalty as unconstitutional due to its arbitrary and capricious nature. In other words, the issuance of the death penalty by states exhibited bias, where the likelihood of receiving the death penalty was influenced more by socioeconomic or racial demographic factors rather than the nature of the crime itself. In response, states adjusted their death penalty laws to make them more specific and equitable. For example, some states improved the appeals process for death penalty cases, while others instituted a bifurcated jury process, where one jury determines guilt and another decides whether the defendant should receive the death penalty.

After implementing these adjustments, the death penalty was reinstated four years later by the U.S. Supreme Court in the Gregg v. Georgia (1976) ruling. However, over the next three decades, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on multiple death penalty cases, limiting the overall use of capital punishment (see Table 9.1 below).

Table 9.1 Landmark U.S. Supreme Court Rulings on Capital Punishment
Coker v. Georgia (1977) A sentence of death for the rape of an adult woman is unconstitutional.
Ford v. Wainwright (1986) It is unconstitutional to utilize the death penalty for prisoners who are insane.
Atkins v. Virginia (2002) The execution of mentally retarded criminals is unconstitutional.
Roper v. Simmons (2005) The sentence is unconstitutional if the offender was under the age of 18 when the crimes were committed.
Kennedy v. Louisiana (2008) Imposing the death penalty for the rape of a child would be a violation of the cruel and unusual punishment clause.

The landmark Supreme Court rulings outlined in Table 9.1 have reshaped the legal landscape surrounding capital punishment in the U.S. These alterations to the parameters of capital punishment laws have addressed issues of arbitrariness, proportionality, and due process.

Capital Punishment Today

One of the notable characteristics of contemporary U.S. capital punishment is its variation among various states. Despite intermittent nationwide moratoriums and legal disputes, the death penalty persists as a legal practice in the majority of states, thereby significantly intensifying the severity of punishment for heinous crimes beyond life imprisonment—a consequence subject to considerable variability depending on jurisdiction. In the period spanning from 1930 and 2021, a total of 5,393 individuals underwent legal execution, with 1,540 executions taking place between 1977 and 2021, as reported by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Snell, 2023) and illustrated in Figure 9.3 below.

Figure demonstrating the general number of corporal punishment executions that have transpired in the U.S since 1930 to 2021.
Figure 9.3. U.S. Executions from 1930-2021 (Snell, 2023). / Photo Credit: Wesley B. Maier, Ph.D., CC BY 4.0

As illustrated in Figure 9.3 above, there has been a decreased use of the death penalty over the past 20 years. Despite this decline, 27 states, the federal government, and the U.S. military presently maintain statutes allowing use of the death penalty for certain crimes (Snell, 2023), while other states have either abolished it entirely or implemented moratoriums on its application. At the close of 2021, there were 2,382 state and federal prisoners on death row. Notably, three states—California (29%), Florida (14%), and Texas (8%)—accounted for more than half of the total population of prisoners under a sentence of death. However, despite the 2,382 inmates on death row in 2021, executions are infrequently administered. For instance, in 2022, a total of 18 inmates were executed in six states: Oklahoma (5), Texas (5), Arizona (3), Missouri (2), Alabama (2), and Mississippi (1), seven more than the 11 executed in 2021, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Snell, 2023).

This patchwork of approaches to capital punishment across the U.S. mirror the profound divisions and continuing debates in the nation surrounding the ethical, moral, and practical dimensions of this practice. Overall, modern U.S. capital punishment remains a deeply divisive and complex issue that reflects broader societal attitudes towards justice, punishment, and human rights. As the country continues to grapple with questions of fairness, morality, and effectiveness in its approach to criminal justice, the future of capital punishment in the United States remains uncertain and subject to ongoing debate and reform efforts.

Methods of Execution

First introduced in 1982 in Texas, lethal injection has emerged as the predominant method of execution in the United States. As of the end of 2021, all states permitting capital punishment, as well as the federal government, have adopted lethal injection as one of their execution methods (Snell, 2023). Additionally, eight states still employ the electric chair, four resort to firing squads, three utilize nitrogen hypoxia, and one relies on hanging (Death Penalty Information Center, n.d.-b)

Photograph of a dilapidated gas chamber with two seats.
Figure 9.4. The Rare Dual-Seat Gas Chamber at the Retired Missouri State Prison / Photo Credit: Carol M. Highsmith, photographer, PD

The most recent addition to these methods is nitrogen hypoxia, which Alabama first implemented in 2024 during the execution of Kenneth Smith, following a failed attempt to execute him by lethal injection 14 months prior (Bogel-Burroughs, 2024). Alongside the evolving landscape of execution methods, concerns about the constitutionality of certain execution methods, such as lethal injection, have sparked legal challenges and debates regarding the ethical implications of state-administered executions.

Issues with Capital Punishment

The use of the death penalty is not without controversy, as the utilization of capital punishment is fraught with numerous contentious issues. Several of the most pressing concerns stem from potential bias and human error, including wrongful convictions, racial bias, and arbitrariness. A prominent issue regards the high prevalence of wrongful convictions, where individuals are mistakenly sentenced to death due to errors or flaws in the legal system. Furthermore, racial bias remains a pervasive problem, with studies consistently revealing disparities in sentencing based on race, often resulting in disproportionately harsh outcomes for minority defendants. The arbitrariness of the death penalty is another significant issue, as its application can vary widely depending on factors such as jurisdiction, prosecutorial discretion, and jury composition, leading to inconsistencies and unpredictability in sentencing. Likely the largest concern is the irreversible nature of death as a punishment, further compounding issues like wrongful convictions, racial bias, and arbitrariness, as well as raising critical ethical concerns. Many countries and international organizations oppose the death penalty, viewing it as a violation of human rights and an outdated form of punishment. Critics also argue that the death penalty violates fundamental human rights, such as the right to life and the prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment. Additionally, there are concerns about the execution of individuals with mental illness or intellectual disabilities, as it raises questions about their culpability and moral justification for punishment.

Numerous concerns persist with the use of capital punishment and its implementation, rendering it a deeply divisive issue. Proponents of capital punishment argue for its necessity as a deterrent to crime and as a form of justice for victims and their families. Conversely, opponents raise concerns about its morality, risk of wrongful convictions, racial disparities in its application, and its disproportionate impact on marginalized communities, effectiveness as a deterrent, and exorbitant financial costs. Consequently, capital punishment in the U.S. persists as a deeply divisive and intricate issue at the intersection of law, ethics, and social justice.

Those who advocate for the use of capital punishment typically ground their stance in a retributive philosophy. Although deterrence is also discussed by death penalty proponents, extensive research and scholarly debate persist regarding its effectiveness as a deterrent to crime, with conflicting evidence on its impact. For example, research from the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Snell, 2023) found that in 2021, there were 2,382 inmates on death row, and their average time spent on death row was 20.2 years. In 2021, those who were executed had spent an average of 19.4 years incarcerated prior to their execution. In fact, death row inmates are more likely to die from natural causes and suicide than execution. In 2021, a total of 11 death row inmates were executed while 32 death row inmates died of natural causes, two died from suicide, one was murdered, and one died from an unspecified cause during that same year. The limited probability of execution among inmates on death row undermines the deterrence argument often put forth by those in favor of capital punishment as well as illuminates the considerable financial costs associated with death penalty cases.

Financial Costs

In addition to the considerable expenses associated with long-term incarceration, the extensive legal processes and appeals involved in capital punishment cases result in financial burdens that far surpass those of life imprisonment. This makes capital punishment significantly more expensive than life imprisonment cases. For instance, between 1978 and 2011, California’s death penalty system incurred costs exceeding $4 billion more than if the state had replaced capital punishment with life without parole (Alarcón & Mitchell, 2012).

The high costs of death penalty cases are largely attributed to several factors, including the costly trial process, automatic appellate court review, and subsequent appellate costs. Moreover, corrections costs can escalate due to the need for isolation among death row inmates, which is considerably more expensive than housing inmates in the general population. The prolonged delay between sentencing and execution further exacerbates these financial burdens.

Wrongful Conviction

In recent years, the modern U.S. capital punishment system has undergone increasing scrutiny and faced numerous legal challenges. High-profile cases of wrongful convictions, advancements in forensic science casting doubt on previous convictions, and a growing awareness of systemic biases within the criminal justice system have fueled calls for reform or abolition of the death penalty in many circles.

The significant prevalence of wrongful convictions, in particular, has sparked a profound reassessment of the utilization of the death penalty. According to the Death Penalty Information Center (n.d.-a), between 1973 and 2023, 197 former death-row inmates were exonerated from all charges. Research suggests that approximately 4.1% of all inmates sentenced to death row between 1977 and 2004 were victims of erroneous convictions (Gross et al., 2014). In 2016, among the 116 death row exonerations listed on the National Registry, 18% involved false confessions, 26% included false or misleading forensic evidence, 70% implicated perjury or false accusations, and 76% cited instances of official misconduct (Garrett, 2020). These staggering statistics underscore the profound flaws and risks inherent in the death penalty system and need for reassessment.

Racial Bias

Racial discrimination and the use of the death penalty have been topics of concern for many decades. Studies consistently show that race plays a significant role in determining who receives the death penalty, with minorities often facing disproportionate sentencing compared to white defendants. For instance, a study evaluating the effects of race on jury decisions in capital offenses in Washington State found that juries were four times more likely to impose the death penalty for Black defendants than for White defendants (Beckett & Evans, 2016).

However, the defendant’s race is not the only racial variable influencing the likelihood of receiving the death penalty. Research indicates that the victim’s race also plays a critical role. Of the 1,441 executions between 1976 and 2016, 76% of the murder victims were White, 15% were Black, 7% were Hispanic, and 2% were of other races (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016). In Louisiana, the odds of receiving the death penalty were 97% higher when the murder victim was White compared to when the victim was Black (Pierce & Radelet, 2011). Similarly, in California, murderers who killed Whites were more than three times as likely to receive the death penalty as those who killed Blacks, and over four times as likely as those who killed Latinos (Pierce & Radelet, 2005).

Attributions

  1. Figure 9.1: A New method of Macarony making as practised at Boston / copied on stone by D. C. Johnston from a print published in London 1774 by David Claypoole Johnston, lithographer in the Public Domain; From LOC: “No known restrictions on publication.”
  2. Figure 9.2: Ruth Snyder Electrocution Daily News Jan 14,1928 D.D.Teoli Jr. A.C. by Tom Howard (original photographer); D. D. Teoli Jr. Archive Collection is released under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
  3. Figure 9.3: U.S. Executions from 1930-2021 by Wesley B. Maier, Ph.D., for WA Open ProfTech, © SBCTC, CC BY 4.0
  4. Figure 9.4: The rare dual-seat gas chamber, in which, over time, 40 inmates (women as well as men) were executed at the old (1836) Missouri State Penitentiary, now a museum, in Jefferson City, the capital of Missouri by Carol M. Highsmith, photographer in the Public Domain; LOC states: “No known restrictions on publication.”
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Introduction to Criminal Justice Copyright © by Wesley B. Maier, PhD; Kadence C. Maier; William M. "Bill" Overby, MCJ; and Terry D. Edwards is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

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